The paper "How the Japan Governments, as well as its Institutions, Have Been Instrumental towards the Development of Japan" is a good example of a business case study. The citadel intent of this paper is to illuminate how the Japan governments, as well as its institutions, have been instrumental towards the development of Japan. The paper elucidates wide-ranging factors; it begins by giving a background of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) activities in Japan. The paper explains how the government-supported NGOs activities through funding a number of its programs as well as the enactment of regulations that were softer on NGOs.
The paper explains how foreign direct investment has contributed to Japans development. This was also achieved by advancing loans on foreign-owned companies by the Japan Development Bank. There were also incentives for foreign companies. Japan also improved its production labour relation. The Japanese government, as well as institutions, has immensely contributed towards the development of Japan between the 1980s and 2007. Japan has had a proliferation of NGOs that are development-oriented as well as their access to government. Japan has a handful of NGOs that deal with environmental affairs.
It has also had development as well as relief organizations. However, these organizations were scrawny, unapt and did not have contact with the government. Nonetheless, in the 1990s, Tokyo started taking NGOs seriously since they perceived as agents that could help in the execution of aid undertakings and likely devotees of foreign aid in the country’ s political system as well as the public (Sonia, 2004). According to Warren & Leheny (2009) in the late 1980s, the state had begun financing NGOs activities in Japan.
The state increased grants along with subsidies for NGOs; the amount was raised from about 400 million yen to 1.2 billion in the duration of ten years. However, after 1998 it began decreasing the amount of aid. In 1991, the state had established an innovative system that its citizens would put their savings in postal savings accounts and were offered an option by the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunication to commit between 10 to 100 percent of their interest on the savings for use by NGOs in development work abroad.
Funds raised through this scheme were relatively limited in size; however, they offered extra funding to NGOs and engaged the public directly in development projects as well as aid. The government also buttressed passage of regulations that ease conditions for incorporation for Japanese NGOs as it was so constricting and few could qualify. In 2001, a law was enacted, it gave tax reprieve to the private contributors to qualified NGOs; nonetheless, the standards were still intricate. A handful of NGOs could meet the new requirements. By 2003, funding for NGOs reached the DAC average of 2 percent (Warren & Leheny, 2009). The Japan government established wide-ranging consultative instruments with the NGOs in the 1990s.
Prior to the end of 1990s, these machinery proliferated and were also entrenched, with MOF, MOFA, JICA as well as JBIC meeting regularly with the NGOs as well as taking their advice on wide-ranging issues such as policy as well as problematic issues (Warren & Leheny, 2009). MOFA was instrumental in the development of networks of NGOs - taking part in education, relief, health as well as agriculture - through which it directed funds to NGOs in the respective sectors.
The efforts by the Japan government to encompass NGOs were perceived by NGO staff as both well-intentioned as well as pertinent. The increase in capacities, number as well as access to the Japan government on the side of NGOs began to establish the political foundation, as well as capabilities in Japan of an aid program and eventually more aligned with that of other DAC member states (Gionea, 2005).
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